With Elizabeth was Alexei's best friend, Duke Igor Konstantinovich and his brothers, the sons of Grand Duke Konstantine Konstantinovich, Nicholas II favorite Uncle.
Alexei's cousins and his Aunt Elizabeth and other Romanovs recovered from Alapayevsk
The Kremlin ordered Boris Yeltsin the leader of Yekaterinburg area in 1977 to DESTROY the Ipatiev House which was quickly becoming a tourist destination and not to the USSR's benefit.
The back yard facing the enclosed courtyard, where the outhouse was located, the only part of the outside world the Romanovs were allowed to see, shortly before the building was destroyed.
The Russian Orthodox Church of All Saints was built on the site of the Ipatiev House
The dining room where the Romanov took meals, the Bolsheviks stopped townspeople supplying food for the family, substituting meager peasant food for the family.
The Ipatiev House dining room, this eloquent room was used to serve the Romanovs gruel and barely edible, sometimes spoiled food. Yurovsky's first action as commandant was to bar food, fresh fruit, eggs, vegetables and baked goods from the famly meals. The guards actually ate much better than they did, seizing whatever they needed from towns people of whom they were suspicious, especially wealthy business owners.
The Czar, Czarina and Alexei occupied this room.
Alexei's bed in the corner.
Photos from Sokolov's investigators
Yurovsky made his arrangements. Starting on July 4, 1918 and for several days in succession Yurovsky went out on horseback. He was seen wandering about the neighborhood looking for a place suitable for his plans, in which he could dispose of the bodies of his victims. And this same man, with inconceivable cynicism, on his return visited the bedside of the Tsarevich!
On Sunday, July 14th, Yurovsky summons a priest, Father Storoyev, and authorizes a religious service. The prisoners are already condemned to death and must not be refused the succor of religion.
The next day he gives orders for the removal of little Leonid Sednev to Popov's house, where the Russian guard are quartered.
On the sixteenth, about 7 p.m., he orders Paul Medvedev, in whom he has every confidence. Medvedev was in control of the Russian workmen - to bring him the twelve Nagan revolvers with which the Russian guard are armed. When this order has been carried out he tells him that all the Imperial family will be put to death that same night, directing him to inform the Russian guard later. Medvedev informs them about 10 p.m.
Shortly after midnight, Yurovsky enters the rooms occupied by the members of the Imperial family, wakes them up, together with their entourage, and tells them to get ready to follow him. The pretext he alleges is that they are to be taken away, that there are disturbances in the town, and meanwhile they will be safer on the floor below.
These steps led to the basement where the family was murdered.
Sokolov's White Russian Investigators dug the bullets which passed through Nicholas II, Alexandra, Olga, Tatiana, Maria, Alexei and their staff, which then were imbedded in the wall behind the wall paper. Blood stained towel/clothe found at Ipatiev House by Sokolov's investigators.
For the next 30 years Bolsheviks would go to the death chamber to celebrate the fall of the Romanovs and the Romanov family's massacre. They even threw macabre parties to mock the family's suffering.
One of the Romanov Tutors accompanied Investigator Sokolov to the Ipatiev House, he retrieved this light fixture and kept it.
Ipatiev House is now replaced with the Orthodox Church of All Saints in Memory of the Romanovs
The Bolsheviks seized the Romanov Crown Jewels, during tough times during the Great Depression of the 1930's, which affected even Stalinist Russia, Stalin ordered the sale of items like the Romano Jewelry to raise international currency, including Faberge Easter Eggs containing precious gem stones given by the Royal Family to celebrate the Orthodox Holiday. American Billionaire Malcolm Forbes bought several of them over the years.
Peter Carl Faberge Jeweler to the Romanov Royal Family
The name Faberge is still inscribed on the building where Peter Karl Faberge's craftsmen made fantastic jewelry and Easter Eggs for the Royal Family in St. Petersburg Russia, the building survived the Bolshevik Communists.
Dr. Avdonin, a geologist by trade in the Soviet years, was also personally interested in local history and folklore, which in Sverdlovsk had to include the murder of the Romanovs. Indeed, the Ipatiev House, at 49 Voznesensky Prospekt—the leafy end of the town’s main street—where the family was imprisoned and murdered, was called at the time the House of Special Purpose and maintained for some years afterward as the Museum of the Peoples’ Vengeance. Avdonin gathered information informally for years, and, in 1976, met Soviet writer and filmmaker Geli Ryabov [ru], who was given information by the son of one of the killers that led them to identify a precise location and to begin informal exhumations. According to the “Yurovsky Note” a primary historical document authored by the commandant of the Ipatiev House and chief executioner Yakov Yurovsky, the bodies (nine of the eleven) were buried at the place where the truck broke down on the second night following the murder, near Grade Crossing 184 on the Koptyaki Road. Pots of acid had been smashed into the pit to consume the naked remains, and railroad ties had been placed over the pit before a layer of earth. Exhumation of Romanovs' graves
In the spring of 1979, Avdonin and Ryabov began an exhumation of the site, struck the rotted wood of the ties at what they judged a reasonable depth, and dug on. Their methods, though clumsy and potentially destructive to later efforts by professional archaeologists, resulted in the recovery of several skulls. They refilled the pit, kept the skulls briefly, and reburied them with icons and prayers.
Due to the generally repressive Soviet climate, neither Avdonin nor Ryabov said a word about this until ten years later, when Ryabov, in 1989, released the story into the media, causing a rift between the two men, after the fall of the Soviet Union, which was replaced by the Russian Republic.
The site has been treated and explored according to the standards of neither professional archaeology nor careful law-enforcement investigative technique. The official government re-opening in 1991 featured bulldozers, not ultrasound or hand tools. The professional observer stood by in anguish as non-professionals sloshed through the pit, grabbing at bits of ceramic or bone. Evidence indicates that the pit was opened at least once between the re-burial efforts and the "official" opening. Wikipedia
Yurovsky's version of events
Bolshevik Jacob Yurovsky's Official Report of the Romanov Massacre
As regards [sic] rations, the family at the start received a Soviet ration meal. These meals were by far not refined, but [we] decided to stop the meals from the outside. They began to prepare meals in the kitchen. Besides that, I was able to find out that they brought for the imperial family everyday from the monastery, vatrushki [curd tarts] butter, eggs, and so on. I decided to allow this, but was very surprised that such liberties were allowed. Later I learned that this was allowed by Commandant Avdeyev, but Com.[rade] Avdeyev did not pass a lot to the family but kept most of it for himself and his comrades. I decided that all that was brought to the family should be given to them. Only on the second or third day did I find out that the deliveries were allowed by Com.[rade] Avdeyev. I decided to end all deliveries, allowing only milk to be brought, Dr Botkin announced to me that “only after Your appointment during the past two days have we received absolutely everything that was delivered from the monastery and suddenly we are deprived of everything once more, the children need nourishment, but the nourishment is so insufficient, we were very happy that we started to receive all the deliveries from the monastery”. However, I refused to hand over anything except milk, and also decided to transfer them to those rations which was established for all citizens of the city of Ekaterinburg; since there was little produce in the city, I thought that since my prisoners do not do anything and [they] should be content with the same ration which all citizens received. For this reason the cook Kharitonov addressed me with an announcement that he cannot possibly prepare dishes from a quarter of a pound of meat. I responded to him that one needs to get used to living not regally, but needs to live: like being under arrest.
No matter how difficult it was for Kharitonov to deal with this task, he had to start using precise measures and weigh that quantity appropriate for each day. I told him that no extra produce will be released [to them] in case of a shortage.
The room in which Alexandra Feodorovna with the heir were lodged, had windows which came out into the yard, which from the street were barricaded by a wooden fence. She allowed herself to frequently look out the window and come close to the window. Once, however, Alexandra Fedorovna allowed herself to come close to the window. From the sentry she received a threat to be struck by a bayonet. She complained to me. I told her that looking out the windows is not allowed.
Three-four days before the execution an iron screen was installed into Alexandra Fedorovna's window. In this regard Dr Botkin announced that it would be good if such screens were put into the other windows. The indoor schedule was such: in the morning, they got up before 10:00. At 10:00, I appeared in order to check all the prisoners by appearance. For this reason Alexandra Fedorovna expressed her dissatisfaction that she was not used to getting up so early. Then I said that I can check while she is still in bed. To this she declared that she was not used to receiving anyone while in bed. And I declared that it made no difference to me, whatever she prefers, but I had to check every day. Tatiana and Olga, or Maria - most often Tatiana - came to ask can [we] soon go for a walk. Alexandra Fedorovna rarely walked. When she went out for a walk, then without fail with a parasol and in a hat. All the rest usually walked with uncovered heads. Nikolai took turns walking with one or the other of the daughters. Alexei at this time entertained himself with pop-guns, with the boy Sednev.
While I was repairing the well, Nikolai came closer to me and made some sort of a comment, but I did not sustain a conversation. Once, while walking, Olga chattered up one of the Letts and asked him where he had served. He replied that he served in one of the Grenadier regiments, where during a military review he saw the tsar's daughters. Olga turned to Nikolai, with the exclamation: "Papa, this is one of your Grenadiers". He [Nikolai] approached and said, "Greetings", evidently hoping to hear "Wishing you health" [customary military response], but only received a simple hello. Long after that a Lett comrade reported that he did not get the chance to talk, because I came over and the conversation ended.
The daughters, especially Tatiana, often opened doors where a sentry permanently stood. [They] tried to exchange pleasantries with them, evidently hoping to win over the Konvoi [military escort]. It must be said that the lads were rather tough and certainly [the Duchesses] were unable to influence them with such niceties.
As far as I was able to notice, the family led a regular middle-class lifestyle: in the morning they drank tea, after consuming tea each one of them occupies with this or that job - sewing, mending, embroidery. The most intelligent of them were (sic) Tatiana, the second – [one] could consider Olga, who resembled Tatiana very much, including facial expressions. What concerns Maria, she is not similar to and [also] outwardly as the first two sisters: [she is] somewhat reticent and considered like a step-daughter in the family. Anastasia the youngest, flushed, with a rather pretty little face. Alexei was constantly ill with an inherited family disease, mostly found in bed, and was therefore for walks carried outside on arms. I once asked Dr Botkin what sort of illness did Alexei suffer from. He told me that he doesn't feel comfortable talking [about it] because this is a family secret, I didn't insist. Alexandra Fedorovna held herself rather grandly, firmly it seems remembering who she was. Concerning Nikolai, it felt like he was part of an ordinary family, where the wife was stronger than the husband. She demonstrated a lot of pressure [sic] over him. The situation in which I found them, they presented as a serene family ruled by the wife’s iron fist. Nikolai, with drooping face looked highly (sic) ordinary, simple, I would even say, [like] a peasant soldier.
Arrogance in the family, apart from Alexandra Fedorovna was not noticed in others. If this was not the detested imperial family, who drank so much blood from the, one could have considered them as simple and not arrogant persons. The girls, for example, would run into the kitchen, helped cook, made-up the dough or played cards - durachki (fools) or pasyans or engaged in washing kerchiefs. Everyone dressed simply, nothing fancy. Nikolai behaved earnestly, “democratically”, and even though - as we found later - he had not a few pairs of good new boots, he without fail wore boots with patches. Not least of their pleasures was to soak in the bath several times a day. I however prohibited them from bathing often since there was not enough water. If one looked at this family objectively, then it could be said that they were totally inoffensive.
The boy Sednev had become so accustomed, and made himself at home with the family, that it was not like a lackey’s attendance assisting the heir to the Russian throne. Often, annoyed Alexandra Fedorovna with his playing with the little dog, which they had. He however, would not quit this for him a pleasing activity, often [he] poisoned Alexandra Fedorovna’s well being. Trupp and Kharitonov were servants who had the loyalty of dogs to their masters.
Dr Botkin was a loyal friend of the family. In all cases in these or those needs of the family he acted as the petitioner. He was loyal to the family with his body and soul, and worried together with the Romanov family [about] the hardship of their lives. Everyone knows that Nicholai and his family were religious. They asked me if it would be possible to allow them to have obednya [Orthodox liturgy]. I invited a priest and a deacon. When they were in the commandant’s [room] putting on their vestments, I warned them that they can perform the service the way they are supposed to according to their rites, but there were to be no conversations allowed. The deacon stated, “this has happened before and we walked to not such high individuals. One could get confused and a scandal will occur, but in this situation we will swing [the incense burner] with pleasure for their kind souls”. Obednya was served. Nikolai and Alexandra Fedorovna prayed most diligently.
When I took over my duty, the question already stood about liquidating the Romanov family, since the Czechoslovaks and the Cossacks were closing in on the Urals, closer and closer to Ekaterinburg. Nikolai did have some sort of contact with the outside.
In view of the threatening situation, the issue was expedited.
I was entrusted with this issue, but the liquidation was on another comrade.
On 16 July, 1918, about 2 o’clock in the afternoon, comrade Filipp came to the house and presented me with the resolution from the Executive Committee to execute Nikolai, [and] at this time it was pointed out that the boy Sednev must be removed.
That during the night, a comrade will arrive who will say the password “chimneysweep” and to whom the corpses must be given, which he will bury and liquidate the job. I called the boy Sednev and told him that yesterday his arrested uncle Sednev escaped but he was detained once again, and that he wants to see the boy. Therefore I am sending him to his uncle. He rejoiced to be sent back to his hometown. Restlessness began in the Romanov family. As always, Dr Botkin immediately came to me and asked [me] to tell [him] where the boy was sent. I told him also what I told the boy, but he was still somewhat concerned. Later, Tatiana came, but I calmed her, saying that the boy went to see his uncle and will return soon. I summoned the head of the detachment, comrade Pavel Medvedev from the Syseretsky Factory and others, and told them that in case of an alarm they have to wait until they receive an agreed upon special signal. Having called the inner guard who were chosen for the execution of Nikolai and his family, I assigned the roles - and directed who will shoot whom. I provided them with “Nagan” system revolvers. When I allotted their roles, the Letts said that I spare them from the responsibility of shooting the girls, because they would not be able to do that. Then I decided it would be for the best to completely free these comrades from the shooting as people who are not capable of performing their revolutionary duty at the most decisive moment. Having completed all the appropriate assignments, we waited for the “chimneysweep”. However, not at 12, not at 1 o’clock did the “chimneysweep” appear, and the time was passing. The nights were short. I thought that they will not come today. Alas, at 1:30 they knocked. The “chimneysweep” has arrived. I went to the lodgings woke up Dr Botkin, and told him that everyone has to dress quickly because there are disturbances in the city, and that I must transfer them to a safer place. Not wishing to hurry them, I gave them the opportunity to get dressed. At 2 o’clock I transferred the escort [guard] to the lower premises. Told them to arrange themselves in [their] arranged order. I alone led the family downstairs. Nikolai was carrying Alexei in his arms. The rest, some with pillows in their hands, some with other items, we came down to the lower level to a special room previously prepared. Alexandra Fedorovna asked for a chair, Nikolai asked for a chair for Alexei.
I ordered that the chairs be brought. Alexandra Fedorovna sat down. Alexei as well. I suggested that everyone stand up. Everyone stood up, taking up the entire wall and one of the side walls. The room was very small. Nikolai stood with his back to me. I announced: the Executive Committee of Soviet Workers, Peasants and Soldier Deputies of the Urals carried [a decision] to shoot them. Nikolai turned around and asked (sic). I repeated the order and commanded “Shoot”. I shot first and killed Nikolai to drop (sic). The firing went on for a very long time, and despite my hopes that the wooden wall would not cause a ricochet, the bullets bounced off it. I was not able to stop this shooting for a long time, which took on a disorderly character. But when I finally was able to stop it, I realized that many were still alive.
For instance, Dr Botkin lay propped up on the elbow of his right arm, as if in a relaxed pose, a revolver shot finished him off, Alexei, Tatiana, Anastasia and Olga were still alive too. Also alive was Demidova. Com. Ermakov wanted to finish the job with a bayonet. However, this was not possible. The reason for this became clear later (the daughters had diamond armor [sewn] into their under bodices). I was forced to shoot each one in turn. Most unfortunately, the valuables brought down with the executed attracted the attention of some of the red guard who were present, who decided to steal them. I proposed that the transfer of the corpses be stopped and asked Com. Medvedev to watch in the truck that no valuables were touched. On the spot, I [personally] decided to gather everything that was there.
I positioned Nikulin to watch the road when they would load the corpses, and also left another below to watch those who were still there. After the loading the, I called in all the participants and demanded that they immediately return everything they had taken, otherwise threatened punishment. One by one they began to return what they happened to have. Turned out there were two [or] three weak-willed men. Despite the fact that I had the inclination to commission the remaining work to com.[rade] Ermakov, I was worried that he would not be able to perform this job in the proper way, [and] decided to go myself. I left Nikulin [behind]. Ordered not to remove the [guard] watch, so that nothing changed outwardly.
At 3:00 or 3:30 in the morning on 17 July, we headed in the direction of Verkh-Isetsky factory. Passing the yard of the factory, I asked Ermakov if he brought instruments in case we had to dig a pit. Ermakov told me that they had prepared a mineshaft and therefore no instruments will be needed, but most likely one of the lads grabbed something. Departing three versts from the Verkh-Isetsky factory we stumbled upon an entire camp of droshky and mounted riders. I asked Ermakov, “What does this mean?”. He told me, “These are all our lads who came to help us”. Why did you need such a mass of people, why did you need the droshky? He told me. I thought that all these people would be needed. And since I did not know his plan, I continued to follow in the truck. More than once we got stuck in the mud. At one spot we got stuck between two trees and stopped. Further there was the swamp. Could not go further in the truck. The workers, among whom were non-members of ISPOLKOM of the Verkh-Isetsky factory, expressed their displeasure that the corpses were brought, not the living, whom they wanted to torment to satisfy themselves … When [we] started to unload the droshky, it appeared very and (sic) very difficult (did not think to bring wagons). With great difficulty we had to pile the corpses into the droshky in order to go further. The promised mineshaft was not there. Where the mineshaft was, no one knew. When they started to unload the corpses from the truck, the lads again started to ransack [their] pockets. Here it was found that something was sewn in [their] belongings, and here I decided that before I bury them, I will burn these belongings. I threatened the lads so that they do not take part in this matter and continue the unloading. The mounted riders went to look for the mineshaft of which they spoke. Riding for some time, they did not find any mineshaft, returned with nothing. It already started to lighten. Peasants were going out to work. Nothing more was left but to move in an unfamiliar direction. Ermakov was adamant that he knew of another mineshaft, somewhere further, and we headed in that direction. About 16 versts from Verkh-Isetsk and about 1½ or 2 versts from Koptyaki village, we stopped. The lads drove into the forest and returned saying that [they] found the mineshaft. We turned into the forest. The mineshaft turned out to be very shallow. Some kind of abandoned old remains (sic). Unharnessed the horses. Built a fire. Placed a strike-force (sic) from the riders around the forest. Chased away the peasants [who] were nearby. Surrounded the area with mounted riders. I started to undress the corpses. Undressing one of the daughters, I found a corset which had something tightly sewn [in it]. I ripped it and found precious stones. Masses of people, in this situation were completely undesirable. The precious stones caused involuntary shouts, exclamations. Not knowing these lads well, I said, “Lads, these are trifles, some kind of plain rocks”. I stopped the work and decided to let everyone go, except a few more or less known to me and reliable, as well as a few mounted riders. I kept five men for myself and three riders, the remainder I let go. Besides my people, there were also 25 persons who Ermakov had prepared. I set about anew to unseal the precious stones. The precious stones were found to be with Tatiana, Olga and Anastasia. Here the special position Maria held in the family was confirmed, on [Maria] there were no precious stones. On Alexandra Fedorovna there were long strings of pearls and a huge coiled golden ring, or rather a hoop, about a half a pound. How or who wore this thing seemed strange to me. All these valuables I pulled out here from skillfully prepared brassieres and corsets. There was no less than half a pood [18 pounds or 16 kilograms] of precious stones. Among them were diamonds and other precious stones. All items (dresses and so on) were burned right there in the fire. On all their necks small pillows were worn, into which were sewn the prayers and teachings of Grishka Rasputin. On the spot where the clothes were burned, we found precious stones which [were] probably sewn into separate places and in dress folds.
However, after the red army men arrived later, [one] brought me a fairly large diamond weighing about 8 carats, and said, take the rock, I found it where the corpses were burned.
By the order of the Ural Regional ISPOLKOM, I took these jewels to Perm, and handed [them] over to Com. Trifonov. Later, Com. Trifonov along with Com. Filippov (Goloshekin) and Com. Novoselov “committed these items to the soil of the Ural proletariat”, [was] how Com. Smigla expressed it, in one of the small houses, temporarily occupied especially for this [purpose] in Alapaevsk factory. In 1919, after taking-over of the Urals, these items were dug up and brought to Moscow.
The place for Nikolai’s eternal rest was quite unfortunate. But there was nothing left to do, but to temporarily lower them down into this mineshaft so that on the next day, or later the same day, [we could] undertake something else. We lowered the corpses into the mineshaft. In the mineshaft there was no more than one - one and a half arshins [one arshin = 2.3 feet or 0.7 meter] of water. I left the guard. Arranged the mounted guard. I personally went to town in order to report to the Soviet that the matter could be left the way it was. At the Soviet saw comrades Safarov and Beloborodov. Reported [to them] what was done. Pointed out the impossibility of leaving them in that mineshaft. Told them that it was necessary to find another spot, [and] during the night exhume and bury them in another place. Com. Beloborodov and Safarov did not give me an answer at that time. Later, com. Filipp recommended one comrade who was supposed to destroy the corpses by some other method. I went to Chutzkaev, who was at the time the president of the Ekaterinburg City Soviet, in order to find out if he knew of any deep mineshafts nearer to Ekaterinburg. Com. Chutzkaev said that at 9 versts, on the Moskovsky highway, there were deep mineshafts. I decided that these mineshafts would be the better [place]. I took the automobile and set off. From Chutzkaev I set off to the Extraordinary Committee office where I caught up with Filipp again, and other comrades. Here [we] decided nevertheless to burn them. But since no one was familiar with this matter, [we] did not know how or what to do. Nonetheless still decided to burn them. I went to the Head of the Department of Supplies of the Ural National Economy, com. Voikov, and ordered three barrels of kerosene and three containers of sulfuric acid. Then, on horseback, [I] set off with com. Pavlushin to see how the matter stood at the place and where best to organize this. We went there [in] late evening. On the way, my horse fell and badly pressed down on my leg, I could not stand up. [After] lying for a few minutes [I] climbed on another [horse] and shuffled on somehow. We arrived at the place. I proposed that we bury them in different spots: first along the clay road – and hence traces [could be] easily covered, and secondly in the swamp. On that we with com. Pavlushin decided. Some set on fire, some to be buried. We returned to ISKOLPOM. I asked com. Pavlushin to ride off for this and that in connection with this. Pavlushin rode off, during this time I was (sic) with com. Voikov [to find out] about the kerosene and sulfuric acid, which was not easy to get. Shovels were needed, which the head of Supplies did not have, but the yard keeper had a few shovels in the yard, which we took. Pavlushin was not back still. Waited for some time, [then] I went to the Extraordinary Committee. Turned out that Pavlushin was lying in bed. Next to him was a doctor. He fell off his horse and broke his leg, and could barely ride. Meanwhile, all the work related to the burnings was his responsibility, as a person who has, how can one say, some experience in more or less complicated procedures. But it was necessary to ‘perform’ [Translator’s comment: Yurovsky used the word prodelat’ or “trick” instead of prodelivat’] this, that this matter was not easy. I, using the position of comrade commissar of Justice of the Ural District, made out an order for the prison to bring me some horses and wagons without drivers. The wagons arrived at 12:30 at night. Receiving all the necessities, seating com. Pavlushin into the droshky, we set off. Around 4 [in the morning] we reached the place and started to unload the corpses. Koptyaki Village was located only 2 versts from where our mineshaft was. [We] needed to make this place safe. I sent persons into the village to say that they were prohibited from leaving the village, because an intelligence operation was taking place here now, possibly shooting will begin, and possibility of victims. Positioning the mounted riders, we continued our work. Exhuming the corpses was not an easy matter. By morning we were able to extract the corpses. We drove them closer to the road, and I decided to bury Nikolai and Alexei. We dug a rather deep pit. This was near 9 in the morning. Someone noticed that a peasant was riding over. Ermakov was here. This peasant turned out to be Ermakov’s acquaintance, Ermakov assured [us] that the peasant saw nothing, and he let him go. Many orders were given out, that under no circumstances was anyone who broke through forcefully [was] to be released alive. I checked if the peasant saw what happened here and it turned out that he undoubtedly could see and understand, [and] would gossip that something was happening here. I decided to take the corpses deeper into the forest, and once again headed to town, and decided to have a spare place, just in case. Not without difficulty I found an automobile, drove to Moskovsky highway, to those mineshafts which Chutzkaev spoke about the night before.
About 1 ½ - 2 versts from the mineshafts, the automobile broke down. During the course of an hour or half hour (sic) the automobile was not able to be repaired. I decided to set off on foot to look at these mineshafts. At these mineshafts there were a few guards with their families. The mineshafts were rather deep, and I decided that this would be the very best place to bury Nikolai and his family – where no one would find them. Returning to the automobile, I saw that it was in the same position. Going to the city on foot would be impossible. I decided to stop the first horse or car I could get. At this time, a pair of horses [horsemen] drove (sic) by. I stopped them, "Well, friends, where are you going, I need your horses". "But permit us it's comrade Yurovsky". "Yes, comrade Yurovsky, and who are you." "Acquaintances". "Well here's how it is, fellows. It is essential for me to travel into town, but the car has broken down." "Yes we are in a hurry". "Well, a car will take you in, fellows". They agreed. On these horses I arrived into Ekaterinburg. Had to search for an automobile. The matter was not easy. But, my comrades were without rations for two days now. Had to bring them food at least. I went to the motor depot of the District Military Commissariat. There I found almost no one. There was no spare car. However, one young fellow, who evidently sensed or guessed, said, "Do you need a car (sic) truck, and so on. Good, I will give you one. But here is the thing. We only have Stogov's [car], it's very lightweight". "Fine, give [me] Stogov's, be it Stogov’s, what's the difference". General Stogov was the Chief of Military Communications: later he was executed for collaborating with the White guard. A truck with rations was sent out. Then sent a second truck. Commissioned that all corpses be loaded onto the wagons, and where it was possible to pass through freely so that it was possible to re-load [them] into the trucks, so that the people could eat, and so forth. Later I took off in the truck and in the lightweight car on one road, and on the other I sent out comrades in order to track which way would be most convenient to drive back, since I decided to transport the corpses in automobiles. I ordered to prepare rocks, ropes, so that by tying the rocks to the bodies [we could] lower [them] into the mineshafts. Crossing the railroad line, in about 2 versts I met up with the moving caravan with the corpses. At around 9-9 ½ o’clock in the evening, we crossed the railroad line where we decided to re-load onto the trucks. They assured me that the road here was good. However, there was a swamp on the way. For that reason we brought cross ties in order to spread over this place. Spread them down. Drove over successfully. In about ten paces from this place we got stuck again. Wasted no less than an hour. Got the truck out. Moved farther. Got stuck again. Wasted [time] until 4 in the morning. Nothing was accomplished. The time was late. One of the lightweight trucks with the other comrades and Com. Pavlushin also got stuck somewhere in the same. These people wasted a third day. Exhausted. Without sleep. Began to get agitated: Any minute we expected the Czechoslovaks to seize Ekaterinburg. Had to find another way.
I decided to make use of the swamp. And burn some of the corpses. Unharnessed the horses. Unloaded the corpses. Opened the barrels. Placed one corpse to test how it would burn. The corpse charred relatively quickly, then I ordered to start burning Alexei. At this time [they were] digging a pit. The pit was dug in the swamp where the cross ties were layered. Dug a pit about 2 ½ arshins deep, three arshins square. It was just before morning. Burning the rest of the corpses was not possible because again the peasants began to come out for work, and for that reason we had to bury the corpses in the pit. Laying the corpses in the pit, doused them with sulfuric acid, with this ended the funeral for Nikolai and his family and all the rest. Laid the cross ties on top. Leveled it. Drove over it. Firm.
Near the spot where the corpses were burned, we dug a pit right there, laid the bones in there, lit the fire anew. And swept the traces.
After this difficult job by the third night, i.e. on the morning of 19 July ending the job, I addressed the comrades with the instructions about the importance of this job, and the necessity of complete secrecy until it becomes officially known. We headed to town. On the next day, on the orders of the Executive Committee I departed for Moscow with a report to the President of the All-Russian's Central Executive Committee, comrade Y.M. Sverdlov.
The initial burial spot, as pointed out earlier, was 16 versts from Ekaterinburg, and 2 versts from Koptyaki, the latter place is located approximately 8-8 ½ versts from Ekaterinburg, and 1 ½ versts approximately from the railroad line.
How they searched for me
On 26 June (sic), 1918, as soon as the Czechoslovaks seized Ekaterinburg, my apartment was pillaged, and my mother, an elderly 70-year old was arrested and sent into prison, in fact all her things were taken away from her up to the undergarments. She sat in prison for almost a year in one shirt, barefooted, and only by a timely chance [she] was not shot. Prior to the retreat of the whites, someone from medical personnel convinced her to go to the typhus barracks. They constantly demanded her to betray her son, i.e. me. They treated her barbarically: cursed with abusive profanities, or yelled: "Swine, giving birth to such a son". I of course never told my mother anything about my involvement in Nikolai's execution. And I did not tell her because she decidedly refused to leave Ekaterinburg, stating that she was old and that they will most likely not bother an old woman, and in any case, [she would] die soon anyway. And since by nature she was unable not to tell the truth she would not be able to talk her way out of it. But since she frankly knew nothing, only guessed, then to questions "Where is Nikolai's family. Where are they", she replied, "I only know about oven prongs, the poker and the kitchen, and so on, and know nothing more". But when they asked her whose side she was on, the Bolsheviks’ or the Whites’, she would answer, "I am for my son". When one day they pointed out to her that it was useless to resist, that it would pay to tell everything and she will be free, otherwise she will be shot for refusing to speak– and right here added [your] son was already in our hands. She answered, "Well, and I am in your hands too, do with me what you yearn for…" Curses and threats anew.
Of the comrades who sat in prison not many of those [who] remained (since it is known that before the retreat of the Whites, under pressure from the approaching Red Army, there were 600 people brought out from the Ekaterinburg prison, of whom 30 saved themselves through mass escape, the rest were shot [like] beasts), among whom was the now deceased Sima Deryabina, the living: Olga Danilovna Lobkova (now Sosnovskaya), Anya Lirman and many other names which I don't remember. They used to call my mother “grandmother of the workers' revolution” because of her permanently happy and kind personality. Often, during oppressive minutes (sic) she was reproached that she was singing songs, she would reply, "But why be quiet [Translator’s comment: imprecise word here used by Yurovsky]". But nonetheless (sic) the barbaric conditions maintained at the prison tore her strength and 6 months after being released from prison she passed away from heart failure. During that time she was ardently involved in (sic) ‘subbotniks’, and was full of life even though she was 71 years old. My task here is not to write my mother's biography in general, or [specifically] during that period of the revolution, but I could not deny myself from saying a few words about my ardently beloved mother with her constantly lively character, who bore much suffering during her long life, and [especially] in the final years, because of me.
In Tomsk, around November of 1918, my two brothers were arrested, [along with my] brother’s wife and also a few more people who happened to be in my brother Leonti's apartment during the time of the arrest. The second brother, Ilya, came to Tomsk to be treated [for an illness] and instead of professors happened to end up in the hands of the white guard. Leonti told me the following. Once the entire block, where he lived was surrounded by a whole regiment of soldiers. Officers and soldiers entered his apartment (my brother the watchmaker was sitting at his bench, working), an officer asked: "Your surname". He answered, "Yurovsky". Looking at him the officer exclaimed, "He is wanted” Everyone was informed that he was under arrest, and they demanded from my brother to immediately hand over the jewelry box with the valuables taken from the tsar. To his reply that this must be some mistake, curses flowed and threats with shouts of "tsar-killers". Immediately everyone was tied up, (they) began to ransack the apartment, breaking up the floors with bayonets, upturn ovens, walls, but of course found nothing. This shameless officer’s white guard did not pay attention to the almost destitute surroundings, to the ragged children. [They] were convinced that specifically the imperial valuables were here and that specifically here were the tsar-killers, for who they were thoroughly searching in their fury. All were transported to Tomsk, shackled in hand and leg irons. There they were for some time. [Then] sent them to Irkutsk. Then to Chita. Later again to Irkutsk. And so, for a period of 8 months they held them under the threat of being shot. Evidently they detained them, without shooting them in the hope to create a legal action. But the Red Army which liberated Siberia liberated them.
In the interest of clarifying this fact, I considered it necessary now to lay out in detail the story of the execution of the former tsar Nikolai, his family and those close to them who did not wish to leave the tsarist family despite the offer by the ISPOLKOM.
The white guard, the Kolchak and other press, and by that extent the one abroad write up this fact in a completely perverted form (yes they could not have had all the facts).
They tried to present us as robbers and executioners. In the meantime, the magnanimity of the proletariat presents an example which knows no boundaries. Examples of brutality by the white guard are endless: 26 commissars executed barbarically in Georgia, com. Radek by the “scheidemanovtsi” [Translator’s comment: Old bolshevik term used after the German right wing leader F. Scheidemann whom was claimed to have interfered with the revolutionary movement during 1919], on an iron chain in some thieves’ den, and etc and so on.
One must consider Nikolai's crimes: how much of workers' and peasants' blood, not only his subjects', but also of foreign workers', was drunk by this universal gendarme-bloodsucker. And now what: he still lives in Tobolsk in the regal lifestyle, and only in Ekaterinburg he converted into the position of an average bourgeoisie. He has four servants, occupies 6 rooms. The tsarist daughters were never insulted. Compare the behavior of the tsarist executioners, of the educated white guards who pretend to be civilized, in relation to us – to the workers and peasants, and the Red Army soldiers.
The insurrection of the proletariat, beaten down by need, illiterate, having the full opportunity and full right to vent their centuries-long anger against those villains [who were now] in their hands.
And yet what beauty: those who revolted to liberate humanity, even in dealings with their irate enemies showed incomparable magnanimity not insulting [them], not diminishing [their] human dignity, not forcing the people to suffer unnecessarily - [people] who had to die because historical circumstances demanded it.
These People strictly performed [their] difficult revolutionary duty - those to be executed learned their fate just two minutes before [their] death.
The talk that the tsar and his family had to be shot by foreigners – the Letts, that somehow Russian workers and peasants could not have done the, this is all nonsense, which only foolish and desperate monarchists would believe.
The fact of expediting the execution of the family was provoked not by us, but because of the approaching contra-revolutionaries, and particularly because of the extraordinary "care" about the destiny of Nikolai on the part of his close haughty relatives and attendees. That it was timely is proven by the fact that neither in Ekaterinburg, nor in other areas within the limits of the R. S. F. S. R. [Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic] within its preceding borders, and in other territories of Russia, did this execution generate objections or protests from the poor.
This means that the elimination of the autocracy - and in particular of Nikolai and his family, in the conscience of the people was so ripe, that it was probably done later than it should have been in the path of the revolution.
Here it must be remembered about the letter I received in 1919 (after the recapture of Ekaterinburg by us) from a group of peasants from the village of Koptyaki, undersigned "well wishers", warning me of the threatening dangers from the side of some incorrigible blind followers of the bloody tsar.
Just how much our decision was the right one at the moment was testified by the fact that we had to hold back the pressure from the Ural workers who felt that it was necessary to get rid as soon as possible of the rubbish which no one needed, the rubbish which could play an angry role in the adverse conditions during the battle to strengthen the power of the workers.
The justice of the Revolution was the verdict of the people.
The events and the circumstances of the battle threw overboard the need for the organization of a trial for Nikolai and for the publicity of his execution.
To the People, it was all too clear…
Yakov Yurovsky
April-May 1922
Moscow
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The Yusupov Palace St. Petersburg Russia and the death basement room where Rasputin was fed cyanide pastries and poison. The model of gun which is believed to have shot Rasputin the ENGLISH Webley 455 Revolver.
Blood and footprints were tracked through the Yusupov Courtyard. Rayner probably shot Rasputin twice once in the side as he fled and a coup de grace when he fell. He was immediately loaded in a vehicle and taken to the bridge where his body was dumped in the Neva River.
Rasputin's body was dumped from this bridge and his frozen body pulled from the Neva River a short distance away, after Oswald Rayner and Yusupov murdered him.
"The bell rang, announcing the arrival of Dmitrii Pavlovich Romanov and my other friends. I showed them into the dining room and they stood for a little while, silently examining the spot where Rasputin was to meet his end. I took from the ebony cabinet a box containing the poison and laid it on the table. Dr Lazovert put on rubber gloves and ground the cyanide of potassium crystals to powder. Then, lifting the top of each cake, he sprinkled the inside with a dose of poison, which, according to him, was sufficient to kill several men instantly. There was an impressive silence. We all followed the doctor's movements with emotion. There remained the glasses into which cyanide was to be poured. It was decided to do this at the last moment so that the poison should not evaporate and lose its potency. We had to give the impression of having just finished supper for I had warned Rasputin that when we had guests we took our meals in the basement and that I sometimes stayed there alone to read or work while my friends went upstairs to smoke in my study." Prince Felix Yusupov "Lost Splendor" (1953)
"We sat down at the round tea table and Yusupov invited us to drink a glass of tea and to try the cakes before they had been doctored. The quarter of an hour which we spent at the table seemed like an eternity to me.... Once we finished our tea, we tried to give the table the appearance of having been suddenly left by a large group frightened by the arrival of an unexpected guest. We poured a little tea into each of the cups, left bits of cake and pirozhki on the plates, and scattered some crumbs among several of the crumpled table napkins.... Once we had given the table the necessary appearance, we got to work on the two plates of petits fours. Yusupov gave Dr Lazovert several pieces of the potassium cyanide and he put on the gloves which Yusupov had procured and began to grate poison into a plate with a knife. Then picking out all the cakes with pink cream (there were only two varieties, pink and chocolate), he lifted off the top halves and put a good quantity of poison in each one, and then replaced the tops to make them look right. When the pink cakes were ready, we placed them on the plates with the brown chocolate ones. Then, we cut up two of the pink ones and, making them look as if they had been bitten into, we put these on different plates around the table."
Vladimir Purishkevich "The Murder of Rusputin" (1918)
Felix Yusupov added: "It was agreed that when I went to fetch Rasputin, Dmitrii, Purishkevich and Sukhotin would go upstairs and play the gramophone, choosing lively tunes. I wanted to keep Rasputin in a good humour and remove any distrust that might be lurking in his mind." Stanislaus de Lazovert now went to fetch Rasputin in the car. "At midnight the associates of the Prince concealed themselves while I entered the car and drove to the home of the monk. He admitted me in person. Rasputin was in a gay mood. We drove rapidly to the home of the Prince and descended to the library, lighted only by a blazing log in the huge chimney-place. A small table was spread with cakes and rare wines - three kinds of the wine were poisoned and so were the cakes. The monk threw himself into a chair, his humour expanding with the warmth of the room. He told of his successes, his plots, of the imminent success of the German arms and that the Kaiser would soon be seen in Petrograd. At a proper moment he was offered the wine and the cakes. He drank the wine and devoured the cakes. Hours slipped by, but there was no sign that the poison had taken effect. The monk was even merrier than before. We were seized with an insane dread that this man was inviolable, that he was superhuman, that he couldn't be killed. It was a frightful sensation. He glared at us with his black, black eyes as though he read our minds and would fool us."
Vladimir Purishkevich later recalled that Felix Yusupov joined them upstairs and exclaimed: "It is impossible. Just imagine, he drank two glasses filled with poison, ate several pink cakes and, as you can see, nothing has happened, absolutely nothing, and that was at least fifteen minutes ago! I cannot think what we can do... He is now sitting gloomily on the divan and the only effect that I can see of the poison is that he is constantly belching and that he dribbles a bit. Gentlemen, what do you advise that I do?" Eventually it was decided that Yusupov should go down and shoot Rasputin.
According to Yusupov's account: "Rasputin stood before me motionless, his head bent and his eyes on the crucifix. I slowly raised the crucifix. I slowly raised the revolver. Where should I aim, at the temple or at the heart? A shudder swept over me; my arm grew rigid, I aimed at his heart and pulled the trigger. Rasputin gave a wild scream and crumpled up on the bearskin. For a moment I was appalled to discover how easy it was to kill a man. A flick of a finger and what had been a living, breathing man only a second before, now lay on the floor like a broken doll."
Stanislaus de Lazovert agrees with this account except that he was uncertain who fired the shot: "With a frightful scream Rasputin whirled and fell, face down, on the floor. The others came bounding over to him and stood over his prostrate, writhing body. We left the room to let him die alone, and to plan for his removal and obliteration. Suddenly we heard a strange and unearthly sound behind the huge door that led into the library. The door was slowly pushed open, and there was Rasputin on his hands and knees, the bloody froth gushing from his mouth, his terrible eyes bulging from their sockets. With an amazing strength he sprang toward the door that led into the gardens, wrenched it open and passed out." Lazovert added that it was Vladimir Purishkevich who fired the next shot: "As he seemed to be disappearing in the darkness, Purishkevich, who had been standing by, reached over and picked up an American-made automatic revolver and fired two shots swiftly into his retreating figure. We heard him fall with a groan, and later when we approached the body he was very still and cold and - dead."
Felix Yusupov later recalled: "On hearing the shot my friends rushed in. Rasputin lay on his back. His features twitched in nervous spasms; his hands were clenched, his eyes closed. A bloodstain was spreading on his silk blouse. A few minutes later all movement ceased. We bent over his body to examine it. The doctor declared that the bullet had struck him in the region of the heart. There was no possibility of doubt: Rasputin was dead. We turned off the light and went up to my room, after locking the basement door."
The Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich Romanov drove the men to Varshavsky Rail Terminal where they burned Rasputin's clothes. "It was very late and the grand duke evidently feared that great speed would attract the suspicion of the police." They also collected weights and chains and returned to Yuspov's home. At 4.50 a.m. Dimitri drove the men and Rasputin's body to Petrovskii Bridge. that crossed towards Krestovsky Island. According to Vladimir Purishkevich: "We dragged Rasputin's corpse into the grand duke's car." Purishkevich claimed he drove very slowly: "It was very late and the grand duke evidently feared that great speed would attract the suspicion of the police." Stanislaus de Lazovert takes up the story when they arrived at Petrovskii: "We bundled him up in a sheet and carried him to the river's edge. Ice had formed, but we broke it and threw him in. The next day search was made for Rasputin, but no trace was found."
Rasputin's body was found on 19th December by a river policeman who was walking on the ice. He noticed a fur coat trapped beneath, approximately 65 metres from the bridge. The ice was cut open and Rasputin's frozen body discovered. The post mortem was held the following day. Major-General Popel carried out the investigation of the murder. By this time Dr. Stanislaus de Lazovert and Lieutenant Sergei Mikhailovich Sukhotin had fled from the city. He did interview Felix Yusupov, Dmitri Pavlovich Romanov and Vladimir Purishkevich, but he decided not to charge them with murder.
EVERY VERSION OF THAT NIGHT CONTAINED LIES TO PROTECT OSWALD RAYNER AND THE BRITISH SECRET SERVICE/MI6
Czar Nicholas II did not believe the story and told British ambassador, George Buchanan, that he knew that British MI6 agents were involved in the plot to kill Gregori Rasputin. Buchanan called Samuel Hoare in to tell him of the Czar's accusations. Hoare reacted angrily and described the story as "incredible to the point of childishness". Richard Cullen, who has examined the released MI6 files, argues in Rasputin (2010), that the assassination of Rasputin had been organized by three MI6 agents, John Scale, Oswald Rayner and Stephen Alley: "Rasputin's death was calculated, brutal, violent and slow and it was orchestrated by John Scale, Stephen Alley and Oswald Rayner through the close personal relationship that existed between Rayner and Yusupov."
The Romanovs buried him on a hill further down the path, they were planning a church and invalid hospital and home on the site. The Bolsheviks may have dumped the charred remains on the site of the current memorial, but this is the only photo of the incomplete memorial and grave.
Rasputin had been shot and beaten and water was found in his lungs, indicating drowning was what finally killed him. He had been shot in the side, blood was found in the snow covered courtyard of the Yusupov Palace. In Rasputin's forehead was a coup de grace wound. There is a debate whether the conspirators version is wholly accurate, but most people believe that the coup de grace shot to Rasputin was fired by MI6 Agent Oswald Rayner. As a footnote, there is a museum which claims to have Rasputin's penis, scrotum and nuts, which were kept as a trophy by his murderers. Too graphic to show, but such is the claim. Rasputin was know to commit acts of public indecency, displaying his penis and saying this rules Russia when he was drunk. Exactly the kind of things his enemies would use to justify his murder. If these men kept a souvenier, that is exactly the kind of grisly one they would choose.
Rasputin with his children
A modern memorial on the site of Empress Alexandra's grave for Rasputin. The Bolsheviks dug up his body, burned it and spread the ashes nearby.
The Secret Okhrana, Russian Secret Police Report from Alexander Palace Website
Russian State Papers and other documents relating to the years 1915-1918
Translated by A. L. Hynes
Imported into HTML by Rob Moshein
RASPUTIN AS KNOWN TO THE SECRET POLICE (OKHRANA)
EXTRACTS
From the data of the external surveillance over Gregory Rasputin from the 1st Jan., 1915, up to the 10th Feb., 1916.
I January. Rasputin has sent a telegram to Pokrovskoe [his native village] addressed to the elder of the village:
"I have secured the wood free of cost; it is to be carried away when permission to fell has been granted."
10 January. ShapovaIenkova [a doctor's wife] has presented him with a carpet. He has dispatched a telegram: "Tsarskoe-Selo, Palace Hospital. Anna Alexandrovna Vyroubova. Although I was not present in the body, in spirit I rejoiced with you. My feelings are the feelings of God. I send an angel to console and calm you. Call in a doctor."
12 January. Rasputin has received a petition to His Majesty from a peasant of the government of Saratov, called Gavrill Panteleiev Shishkin, with an "appeal for remission (he has been convicted to imprisonment in a fortress on account of his connection with some sect); and another from a peasant of the government of Tambov called Alexander Ossipov Sleptzov, also appealing for pardon. The latter has been convicted for forgery of cheques.
Rasputin charged them 250 roubles for his trouble.
17 January. Rasputin spent fifty minutes in the public baths, in No-3, 4th Rogdestvenskaia Street, but whether he went there alone or with someone has not been ascertained.
18 January. The peasant Avgust Kornilovitch, an employee of Councilor of State Ginsburg [contractor for coal to the fleet] brought Rasputin 1,000 roubles, forwhich he took a receipt in the delivery book.
26 January. Simanovitch [a merchant] has brought Rasputin several bottles of wine. Rasputin gave a dance tonight in honour of some discharged prisoners. The entertainment was attended by the two Volynskys, Shapovalenkova, Maria Golovina and by four unknown men and six unknown women. One of the men carried a guitar. The party was very noisy, with singing, dancing and applause; it lasted till late into the night
28 January, Von Bock, accompanied by an unknown person, brought Rasputin acase of wine.
12 February. Rasputin was taken by an unknown woman into the house No. 15-17, Trotzkaia Street to Prince Andronikov [attached to the Ministry of Internal Affairs]. His departure was not observed, but at half past four in the morning he returned home in the company of six drunken men (one of whom was carrying a guitar). These people remained with him till six o'clock, singing and dancing. The following morning Rasputin received nobody, as he was asleep.
18 February. Rasputin has dispatched a telegram:
Tsarskoe-Selo. Vyroubova. Tell Korovina to be at your house at three to-morrow."
19 February. At 10.15 in the evening Rasputin came out of No. I, Spasskaia Street from the Solovievs [Soloviev - a Secretary of State], accompanied by two ladies and left for an unknown destination. He returned home alone at three o'clock at night.
21 February. Nicolai Alexeievitch Glazov visited Rasputin by car, bringing with him several bottles of wine; having been joined by Rasputin, they both drove to the Great Northern Hotel to see Terekhov-Miklashevskaia [a courtesan]. They stayed with her for one hour and fifty minutes.
10 March. Rasputin had a visit from Evgenia Karlovna Yegeva, who came to request his co-operation in her endeavours to obtain the contract for supplying the troops with underwear to the amount of two million roubles. At approximately one o'clock at night Rasputin received seven or eight men and women, led by Ensign Karpotiny a lad of nineteen, all of whom stayed till three o'clock. The whole company shouted, sang, danced, and stamped about; and, together with Rasputin, left in a drunken condition for an unknown destination.
11 March. At 10-15 in the morning Rasputin was overtaken by the watch in the Gorokhovaia Street and followed to No. 8, Poushkinskaia Street to the prostitute Tregoubova, and thence to the baths.
12 March. Alexeiev [a government clerk] has brought to Rasputin's flat one bottle of wine.
13 March. Miller presented Rasputin with a cap. At 6.50 in the afternoon Rasputin, accompanied by two ladies, set out for No-76, Ekaterinensky Canal to the Savelievs, where he stayed till five o'clock in the morning. He remained in bed all day in an exhausted condition.
14 March. Pogan has brought an ikon together with a collection-box, which latter he placed in the anteroom of the flat.
25 March. Rasputin has gone to Moscow.
26 March. In his absence Varvara Nishchenko came to solicit Rasputin's aid for the release of her uncle, Colonel Jiletzky, who has been called up from the reserve, for which assistance she promised to pay him 2,000 roubles.
30 March. Rasputin has returned. He has dispatched two telegrams to Moscow to-day: (I) "Great Gnezdnikovsk Lane No. 10 To Princess Tenishev. I rejoice in the revelation; am tortured by expectation. I kiss my darling." (2) Kozitzky Lane. Bakhroushin's House. To Djanoulove. Beautiful treasure, in spirit I am with you. Kisses."
3 April. Rasputin brought a woman with him, who spent the night in his flat.
9 April. At 9.45 in the evening Rasputin was followed to 18, Sadovaia Street to a graduate of the Moscow University, Alexei Frolov Filippov, formerly editor of the newspapers Money and The Bourse Gazette, where he was left at two o'clock. It was noticed that a gathering or feast was taking place in the house. Rasputin returned home at 6-30 in the morning.
15 April. Rasputin, accompanied by the monk Martian [a bosom friend], visited No. 45 on the Ligovka, the residence of the burgess, Vassily Evgenievitch Pestrikov. In the absence of the latter, they with young Pestrikov and another unknown student arranged a jollification. Some one played the piano; they sang, while Rasputin danced with Pestrikov's parlour-maid.
25 April. Rasputin has sent a telegram to the bishop of Tobolsk, Varnava Saw the Chief [the Procurator of the Synod]; refuses owing to the war. He was pleasant, but would not listen to our business."
26 April. At approximately ten o'clock in the evening a number of unknown men and women (ten or twelve) began to gather at Rasputin's flat. Among them were: Alexeiev Lissenko, and Rubinstein with a woman. Sounds of playing on a guitar and of dancing were heard; someone was being applauded. The party broke up at two o'clock.
27 April. Rumour says that Rasputin was sent for from Tsarskoe-Selo, but as he had not yet recovered from the night before, Volynsky and Baroness Koussova advised him against going, telling him "that he would ruin every-thing." The watch overheard them discussing him among themselves: "Our staretz [holy man] is indulging himself too much these days." Finally they persuaded him to rest for another two hours, and gave orders not to have him disturbed.
9 May. Rasputin sent the porter's wife to make an appointment with a masseuse, but she refused to receive him, whereupon Rasputin went to the eighteen-year-old seamstress, Katia, who lives in the same block of houses. "Why do you not come to see me he asked her. She told him that she had no clothes. Come to me in a week's time, I will give you fifty roubles," was his reply.
12 May. Rasputin dispatched a telegram to Sabler
Dear, beloved, yesterday we had a conversation there with Mamma [the Empress]; we found that it was not so easy to disturb our Master. They hope to arrest the matter."
Rasputin brought a prostitute to his flat and locked her up in a room; later in the day she was set free by the servant.
13 May. Rasputin sent a telegram to the governor of Tobolsk: "A suspicious man has been living at Pokrovskoe for the last three weeks, he sometimes professes to have come from Moscow, sometimes from elsewhere. Address reply Tsarskoe-Selo, Vyroubova."
14 May. At five o'clock in the evening Rasputin went to No. I5, Malaia Dvorianskaia Street to Belkovsky and Tsezareva. At ten o'clock the watch observed the following scene: one of the women present, having crossed the lighted reception-room, went into Belkovsky's bedroom, which was in darkness. A few minutes later she reappeared in a great state of excitement. Hereupon it was noticed that Rasputin, who seems to have heard the turmoil, ran out of the dark room into the hall, snatched his hat and coat and, without putting them on, made for the street. Two men followed him a few paces behind and one of them was heard to say "There he runs," afterwhich they went back into the house. Rasputin in the meantime jumped into a cab and drove standing to the Liteiny Prospect, keeping a sharp look out in order to ascertain whether he was being followed. He stopped the cab in the middle ofthe street, so as to allow all the traffic behind him to pass, then, having regained confidence, returned home.
18 May. The engineer Mendel-Neuman has requested Rasputin to intercede with His Majesty on behalf of a man sentenced to imprisonment in a fortress for, a period of eight months for evasion of military service and attempted bribery. Pogan acted as intermediary.
19 May. Rasputin told Neuman that his petition had been forwarded to "Him." Dlin, alias Dolina, has appealed to Rasputin to arrange for the naturalisation of the merchant Mandl.
26 May. Rasputin and the prostitute Tregoubova came home in Manus' car in an inebriated condition. While saying good-bye, he kissed and fondled Tregoubova passionately. Later he sent the porter's wife to fetch the dressmaker Katia, but she was not at home.
1 June. Rasputin has sent two telegrams to Pokrovskoe:
(i) "Novykh [his wife]. I am full of sorrow, longing to get home. A misfortune has befallen Annoushka; she will have to undergo an operation, I cannot get away. How are you? Kisses." (2) To the same village, addressed to Shestakov, the head of the combined post and telegraph offices. "Give them two thousand of your own; I shall make them good in three weeks' time."
2 June. At one o'clock in the morning Rasputin came home drunk in the company of Manus [a financier] and Kouzminsky [a Lieutenant in the Gvardeisky Equipage]; without going up to his flat, he sent the porter's wife for the masseuse Outina, who lives in the same house, but she could not be found. Then he went himself to flat No. 3 to see the dressmaker Katia. Here he was apparently not allowed to enter, as be came back directly and on the stairs assaulted the porter's wife, asking for kisses. The woman managed to disengage herself and ring up his flat, whereupon Dounia, Rasputin's maid, led him away.
14 June. Dobrovolsky [a Councillor] has presented Rasputin with a number of bottles of wine, which were later taken to No. 18 Sadovaia Street to Filippov.
15 June. Rasputin has left for his native village, Pokrovskoe. On his way Rasputin spent twenty-four hours in Tiumen, in the monastery of which his friend Martian is Father Superior. The latter gave a dinner in his honour, which was attended by several laymen with their wives. Rasputin was distinctly the worse for drink. According to Father Martian's words, Rasputin alone drank about two quarts of monastery wine.
20 June. Rasputin, accompanied by Martian, Patoushinskaia, and Dounia, went to see Striapchev, a man who lives in Tiumen. They drove horses belonging to the monastery and carried with them a packet of fresh cucumbers and half a vedro of wine.
24 June. Rasputin received some visitors in his house at Pokrovskoe, during which time he played the gramophone, danced and sang incoherent songs. He told his followers that he had saved from punishment 300 Baptists, who had agreed to pay him one thousand roubles a head, but that so far he had received only five thousand roubles. He also informed them that during his last audience with the Emperor he had succeeded in persuading him to postpone the calling up of the men of the 2nd Category till the autumn, i.e., till after harvest-time. On the occasion when the governor of Tobolsk was passing through Pokrovskoe, Rasputin came to the mooring-station and requested him to remit the fine of fifty roubles, which had been imposed on a peasant of the village for erecting a building on unauthorised ground.
25 June. Rasputin told the agents, while walking with them round the village, that he was beloved by three ministers: Goremykin [President of the Council], and Prince Shakhovskoy [Minister of Trade]; the third he declined to name. He said also that he was well acquainted with the Grand Duke Nicolai Nicolaievitch, and that in 1905 the Grand Duke would have granted Russia a constitution, had the times been ripe for it.
26 June. One of Rasputin's neighbours was much questioned about him by an unknown woman, who asked to be allowed to spend the night in her house. Natalia, however, would not give her permission and told Rasputin about the episode the next morning... He immediately dispatched the village policeman in search of this woman, but no trace of her could be found. Rasputin was very much alarmed and spent a long time recalling to his mind all his women acquaintances.
27 June. Rasputin received a telegram from Tsarskoe Selo: "I am unhappy and bored. Have written. Bless me. Anna."
29 June. He dispatched a telegram to Vyroubova; its contents are not known.
30 June. The Bishop of Tobolsk, Varnava, and Father Martian paid Rasputin a call; they came from Tiumen by cab. Father Martian brought two half-barrels of wine.
Part Two: July 1915 - February 1916
1 July. An unknown Jew came by steamer to-day from Tiumen to visit Rasputin. He seems to be a manufacturer, living at Perm. He stayed for forty minutes.
4 July. Rasputin was again visited by Father Martian, who, accompanied by Rasputin's wife and Dounia, embarked the same day on his way back to Tiumen.
5 July. Rasputin went down to the landing-stage to meet an unknown woman, who came from Tiumen. He spoke to her for twenty minutes, after which the woman left for Tobolsk. The same day he was visited by two other women, also from Tiumen, who apparently saw him for the first time. He dispatched two telegrams:
Tsarskoe-Selo. Vyroubova. "How are you? Kisses," and to Petrograd; 17 Poushkinskaia,to Dobrovolsky: "Let me know who left on the third."
7 July. The Deacon of the village, Kovrigki, paid Rasputin a visit; he kissed Rasputin's hand deferentially. At eight o'clock in the evening Elizaveta Petrovna Solovieva arrived from Petrograd and with her Rasputin's wife and Dounia from Tiumen.
9 July. Rasputin received Father Sergey, the newly appointed priest of Pokrovskoe, who also kissed his hands. At eight o'clock in the evening Rasputin left his house,very red in the face, apparently in a slightly inebriated condition, in the company of Solovieva. They mounted a carriage and drove to a distant wood. They came backin an hour's time, Rasputin looking very pale.
11 July. The wife of an officer, Patoushinskaia, came from Yaloutorovsk to see Rasputin. Shortly, afterwards Solovieva and Patoushinskaia emerged from the house, leading Rasputin between them, all three interlocked, Rasputin holding Patoushinskaia by the lower part of the body. They played the gramophone throughout the greater part of the day, Rasputin being exceedingly gay, and consuming large quantities of wine and beer.
12 July. Solovieva has been recalled to Petrograd by her husband. Rasputin was seen walking up and down his yard, holding Patoushinskaia, in his arms.
13 July. After having bathed, Rasputin went to the wife of the local psalm-reader, Yermolai. They had apparently made an appointment, as she was waiting for him at the window. He visits her practically each day with intentions of an intimate nature. On this occasion he stayed with her for half an hour. Patoushinskaia has gone back to Yaloutorovsk, having been recalled by her husband. She took passionate leave of Rasputin covering his face, hands and beard with kisses.
14 July. Rasputin has gone to Tobolsk to see Varnava the agents were left behind.
15 July. Dobrovolsky and Avchoukhova who is now his wife, have come to stay with Rasputin.
17 July. Rasputin has returned from Tobolsk. After lunch Dobrovolskaia played the piano, while the rest of the company sang in chorus. Rasputin clapped his hands and stamped his feet; later he walked about with his arms round Dobrovolskaia, without being in the least perturbed by his daughters' presence. The remainder of the day was spent in the fields, where they played ball, sang and ran races.
20 July. Rasputin, accompanied by Dobrovolsky and the latter's wife, paid a visit to Arapov. He left his host's house in a drunken condition and immediately repaired to the psalmreader's wife. On his return home at 5.40 in the afternoon he once more set out in spite of Dounia's endeavours to prevent him... He rudely pushed her aside, telling her "to go to the devil," and, drunk as he was, splashed through the mud without picking his way. While walking along with the agents he discoursed on the war: "Last year, when I was lying in hospital, rumours were beginning to spread of the coming war; I begged the Tsar not to fight. I sent him about twenty telegrams of warning, one a very earnest one, for which I was told I was to be brought up for trial. When, however, the Tsar was informed of this, he said Our domestic affairs are not subject to the law." He discussed also the newly-ordained priest, Father Sergey. The topic was brought up by a chance remark about the religious procession and the Te Deum with the Blessing of the Waters, which had been arranged for the 20th of July and for the purpose of which four buckets of water had been, put ready. On seeing the four buckets of water,the priest declared that he would not read four Te Deums, one for each bucket. A few daring spirits among the congregation suggested that one Te Deum would suffice for the four buckets. When the service was over, Father Sergey would not allow the parishioners to kiss the cross, saying that they could do so after mass. This arbitrary treatment roused the people's indignation, and the priest was finally compelled to concede their rights. It seems that Father Sergey is very imperfectly acquainted with the rites of the church; there is even a rumour that he comes from a Moscow family of merchants and is a nominee of Skvortzov, the editor ofthe magazine Kolokol [The Bell]. In conclusion Rasputin said: "I don't know what to do with Father Sergey." Rasputin receives many telegrams and letters and sendsa great number himself. He no longer gives them to the agents to post.
21 July. Rasputin, Dobrovolsky and wife, Deacon Yermolai and wife and his two daughters have gone by steamer to Tiumen and thence to Yaloutorovsk to see the Patoushinskys.
22 July. Patoushinskaia met them at the station in a carriage drawn by a pai rof her own horses. She placed Rasputin next to herself and made arrangements forthe others in hired cabs. Her husband met them at the flat. At eight o'clock in the evening Patoushinskaia, Dobrovolsky with his wife and Rasputin's daughters went for a walk in the streets. At approximately ten o'clock (this had apparently been arranged beforehand) Rasputin was seen to jump out of a window on to the veranda, where he was met by Patoushinskaia, who had come out of the back door. They both disappeared into the darkness.
23 July. Dobrovolsky and his wife have left for Petrograd. At noon Rasputin, accompanied by his daughters and Patoushinskaia, went into the wood, which encroached upon the outskirts of the town. The watch observed them near the house half an hour later. Rasputin's daughters went indoors, while he himself took Patoushinskaiain to an empty building at the back of the garden, where they stayed for twenty minutes. According to Patoushinskaia's maid, this house was in the old days inhabited by some of the exiled Dekabrists [Decembrists].
24 July. Rasputin and his daughters have departed to Tiumen, where he left them on the landing-stage and went to see Father Martian. After the lapse of two and a half hours he reappeared carrying a basket, which to all appearance contained bottles of wine. He went down to the wharf alone and took the next steamer backto Pokrovskoe.
27 July. Rasputin and his son drove to the Tiumen railway station, whence he departed for Petrograd. During the journey he and his son dined at one of the wayside stations, sharing a plate between them. Rasputin took the cabbage out of the soup with his fingers and, having placed it in the spoon, conveyed it to his mouth.
31 July. At half-past ten they arrived at Petrograd. He was met at the station by Privy Councillor Nicolai Vassilicvitch Soloviev, whose wife had visited Rasputinat Pokrovskoe. They took a cab and drove to Soloviev's residence on the Gorokhovaia, No. 69. 2 August. Rasputin has dispatched two telegrams.
"Yaloutorovsk. Patoushinsky. We shall soon meet again. Kisses," and to "Pokrovskoe, Government of Tobolsk. Novykh. I shall soon be back. Kisses."
5 August. Rasputin is on his way back to Pokrovskoe. He was seen off by Tatiana Shakhovskaia [Princess Shakhovsky], Baroness Koussova, Miller and Dobrovolsky and his wife, while Vyroubova and von Pistolkors brought him to the station in their car, but did not come on to the platform. During the journey he made the acquaintance of three unknown ladies, who left the train at Kamyshlov. They were met by some staff officers, to whom the ladies pointed out Rasputin. In their conversation they mentioned Gouseva's attempt on Rasputin and said something about a hospital. Having heard the ladies out, a Lieutenant-Colonel who was present turned to another field officer with the words "You see if they had gone with him a little further, the mother would have lost the daughter or vice versa. There is no denying the fact that this individual has hypnotic powers." Before reaching the station at Boui, Rasputin came over to the carriage occupied by the agents who were travelling with him, and began to talk about the war. In his opinion it was progressing very unfavourably and a drastic change was imminent at Petrograd. "Soloviev has been subjected to a very disagreeable reprimand from Samarin for meeting me at Petrograd on the 31st of July. But Samarin will not be Chief Procurator of the Synod for much longer." While speaking, Rasputin was staring hard at thea gents, and then suddenly asked: "Was it you who reported against Soloviev?" The agents replied: "That is not part of our business." "Then who could have done it? The Emperor questioned me in connection with this denunciation and suggested that detectives might have reported against Soloviev. I said to him 'I do not know; perhaps it was done by detectives.' I am going home now, I do not know myself for how long; perhaps for a week, perhaps for longer; it all depends." He finished by saying that he had been to the palace twice and that the Emperor had offered him a private carriage but that he "had refused" "Once, when I was returning from Tsarskoe-Selo to Petrograd about midnight, I saw a detective hiding from me behind a lift. 'I felt quite sorry for him; if I had succeeded in discovering his name,it would have gone badly with him."
9 August. At Tiumen, Rasputin paid Martian a call and later went to the landing-stage, where he booked a private cabin and embarked for Pokrovskoe at eleven o'clock. Two hours afterwards he emerged from his cabin, drunk, and joined some soldiers who were on board on their way from Tiumen to Tobolsk. (They were privates ofthe local company of the Convoy, numbering about ten men.) He entered into conversation with them, gave them a present of twenty-five roubles and ordered them to singto him. After having listened for a little while, he retired to his cabin, whence he emerged once more, bringing the soldiers another 100 roubles. The singing became louder. This time Rasputin joined in the chorus. At the end of an hour Rasputin took the whole lot of the soldiers into the 2nd class saloon, intending to treat them to a dinner, but the captain of the ship would not allow the lower ranks to stay in the 2nd-class apartments and ordered them out.
A little while later Rasputin joined the soldiers again, arranged them in a circle and, placing himself in the middle, conducted their singing with a great display of hilarity. Having given them another twenty-five roubles, he told the steward to provide them with a dinner at the cost of fifteen roubles. Then he disappeared into his cabin. A few minutes later he was heard to complain of the loss of 3,000 roubles. He was getting steadily more and more drunk, and shortly after dinner instigated a quarrel with a third-class passenger, Razoumovsky, who was travelling from Tiumen. The latter could hardly be restrained from giving Rasputin a thrashing, but fortunately matters were settled without violence. This incident was followed by an altercation with another Tiumen merchant, called Mikhailev. This time the quarrel began in the course of a conversation about the provocative actions of Bishop Varnava. Mikhailev ended the dispute by spitting on the floorand leaving Rasputin. Trouble, however, was not yet over. On meeting the steward, Rasputin accused him of stealing his 3,000 roubles and called him a thief. The steward requested some of the passengers to stand witness for him, and sent acomplaint to the captain, who threatened to have the matter settled at Tobolsk by calling in the police. This episode over, Rasputin went back to his cabin,where he sat down with his head resting on the table. He lay there for a longtime, mumbling to himself, while the passengers on deck gazed at him with admiration. Some of them were heard to say: "Rasputin! long may you live, you holy man!" Others said: "He ought to be shaved or have his beard clipped." The porthole of the cabin was closed at the agents' request. An hour or two before the steamer's arrival at Pokrovskoe, Rasputin fell off the table on to the floor, where he stayed till the ship landed at eight o'clock in the evening. The agents had to ask the captain for two men to help them to remove Rasputin from the cabin, and with some difficulty they eventually succeeded in dragging him to the shore, where his two daughters, Katia and Dounia, were expecting him. He was hoisted on to a cart and taken home to Pokrovskoe in an unconscious condition.
10 August. At ten o'clock the following morning Rasputin came out of his house and began questioning the agents about yesterday's happenings, sighing and wondering at having got so drunk, since, according to his own words, he had had only three bottles of vodka. He repeated over and over again: "Ah, my dear fellows, that was an ugly business." Among other things he mentioned that Djounkovsky had been made to resign, expressing the fear that he was, perhaps, attributing his forced retirement to him, Rasputin; he disclaimed all knowledge of him, however, and professed to have had nothing to do with his dismissal. He further said: "Yourgovernor will soon be removed also," and to the question, whether he was referring to Count Adelberg, replied: "No, I don't know his name," and changed the conversation.
11 August. Varnava came to Pokrovskoe from Tobolsk, but left the same day for Tiumen.
15 August. Martian paid Rasputin a visit to-day.
18 August. Avgustin [the Archimandrite] came from Tobolsk, but departed the same day for Tiumen. Patoushinskaia has also visited Rasputin.
19 August. Rasputin went to see Deacon Yermolai, who immediately on his arrival left for the church. Rasputin stayed with the Deacon's wife for at least an hour. The priest, Father Nicolai, who had gone to Tobolsk to see Varnava, brought back the news, communicated to him by Varnava, that the governor intended to have Rasputin arrested and imprisoned for three months for objectionable behaviour and drunkenness, but that owing to Varnava's intercession, he had relented. Rasputin, on hearing this, spat vigorously on the ground, saying:
"What is the governor to me?"
6 September. During a walk with the agents Rasputin said to them "Yes, my dear fellows, my soul is aching with sorrow; I am quite numb with grief. Sometimes I feel better for an hour or two, but it does not last - all the sorrow comes back again." The agents asked: "Why do you feel like that" "Because, you simpletons, the country is in a bad way and because the cursed papers write about me, causing me much annoyance. I shall have to go to law."
9 September. When Rasputin went to see his brother Nicolai, who had at the time several other visitors in the house, their father made his appearance. The old man abused his son Grigory with the vilest expressions. Rasputin, in a savage fury, jumped up from the table where he was sitting, pushed his father into the yard, knocked him down and belaboured him with his fists, while the old man yelled: "How dare you, miscreant!" They were separated with difficulty. Examination proved that the father had received a large purple bruise, which completely closed his eye. Having recovered, the indomitable old man again attacked his son, abusing him worse than before; he threatened to tell everybody, that Grigory was an ignorant old fool, who only knew "how to fondle Dounia's [the maid's] soft parts." This time Rasputin had to be held down with force to prevent him from assaulting his father again. They were both exceedingly drunk.
Rasputin dispatched two telegrams, one to Tsarskoe Selo and one to the Stavka [General Headquarters].
Rasputin took to Tiumen his son, Dmitry, who, as a soldier of the 2nd Category, has been called up for active service. The wife of Staff Captain Patoushinsky came from Yaloutorovsk for the purpose of assisting Rasputin, and succeeded in entering Dmitry into the 7th Company of the Territorials. They all - including Rasputin's wife - put up at the monastry with Father Martian. The watch inferred from Rasputin's behaviour that he was anxious not to be seen in Tiumen; he said to the agent Terekhov: "I have no time to go about, although I have many friends here." But he stayed behind the monastery walls all day long, doing nothing. He walks with a slight limp, the result of having damaged his hip in his fight with old Rasputin.
12 September. Rasputin told the agents that he was anxious to go back to Petrograd, but that Vyroubova did not desire his presence.
19 September. Rasputin has received a typed letter, dated the 16th September,the contents of which were as follows:
"Grigory, our fatherland is in danger; there is talk of concluding a dishonourable peace. The fact that you receive from the Stavka [G.H.Q.] telegrams in cypher proves that you have great influence. Hence we, the chosen ones, ask you to arrange matters so that Ministers should be made responsible before the people and that the State Duma should be convened on the 23rd September of this year, in order that our country may be saved from ruin. If you do not comply with our order, we shall kill you; no mercy will be shown to you; our hand will not shrink as did the hand of Gouseva. Wherever you are, death will follow you. The die has been cast; the lot has fallen on us ten chosen men."
24 September. Rasputin left Pokrovskoe for Petrograd, where he arrived on the 28th of September.
11 October. Rasputin sent a telegram to Varnava
"Remove the spy. Pay the mental hospital at the rate of fifteen roubles, I shall repay Ivan Khlopov. The priests beg your forgiveness. What is necessary has been done."
14 October. Rasputin returned home at one o'clock at night completely drunk. He abused the porter's wife on the stairs for having accepted a bribe of twenty-eight roubles from some minister, He finished by saying: "He wanted to bury me, but,on the contrary, he will be buried before me."
22 October. At eight o'clock in the evening Rasputin was visited by an unknown lady, who, a few moments later, came out in a very agitated condition. The maid caught her up on the stairs, saying: "He wants you to speak to him; he feels lonely. "The lady, who looked greatly disconcerted, refused at first, saying that she would return to-morrow, but finally agreed to go back. She stayed till late.
24 October. Rasputin dispatched a telegram: "Ekaterinburg, Bishop Seraphim. I apologise for the trouble; had no success. Everybody is concerned with his own business. Grigory."
28 October. Rasputin has given Belianin a letter of recommendation to the Assistant Minister of Justice, Verevkin, who, however, refused to receive it, declaring that its subject-matter referred to a question which only the higher authorities could settle. Thereupon Rasputin promised Belianin his co-operation through Vyroubova. Belianin was appealing against the verdict of the court in connection with a fire which had destroyed the premises of his shop in Vladivostock.
31 October. A hired piano has been taken up to Rasputin's flat.
3 November. An unknown woman visited Rasputin with a view to soliciting his aid on behalf of her husband, an ensign, who was lying in one of the Petrograd hospitals. She wished him to be kept there. Coming down the stairs she told theporter's wife how strange she thought Rasputin and described her reception. "I was admitted by a girl, who took me into a room, where I waited for Rasputin. I had not met him before. The first thing he said to me was: 'Come with me; undress.'I took my clothes off and followed him through a door, leading into a room to the left. He paid scant attention to my petition, but plucked my face, then my breasts, mumbling all the time: 'Kiss me, I have taken a fancy to you.' When he had written the note I was asking him for, he began bothering me again: 'Kiss me, kiss me; I love you.' In the end he would not give me the note, saying: 'I am angry with you, come tomorrow.' " The agent Terekhov asked the lady whether she intended coming back, but she answered: "No; going to him for assistance means paying money in advance - anything he cares to name. Since I cannot do that, I shall not return."
5-6 November. Rasputin went by car to Tsarskoe-Selo and he returned, also by car, on the 6th at 10.15 in the morning with Vyroubova. While leaving the car, he made the sign of the cross over Vyroubova, who then drove away.
Later, Rasputin drove to an unknown destination, accompanied by Boberman [a merchant]. They came back at five o'clock, Rasputin being slightly inebriated. He took long and tender leave of Boberman at the door. On his way up to the flat he asked: "Has anybody been to see me?" He was told that two ladies had called. "Were they pretty? - Good; that is what I want." At approximately seven o'clock he left the house, hardly awake. He gave the porter's wife ten roubles on his way out, mumbling to himself something incoherent and banging with his stick.
10 November. Rasputin has dispatched agent Svistounov with a letter to the Minister of Internal Affairs.
14 November. Rasputin came home very drunk in the company of Tatiana Shakhovskaia. They left again directly. He came back at two o'clock at night completely overcom ewith drink.
I5 November. Rasputin's secretary, Simanovitch, has brought a basket containing six bottles of madeira, some caviar and cheese.
21 November. Rasputin brought home two bottles of wine.
22 November. Rasputin returned past eight o'clock in the morning after an absence of twenty-four hours.
23 November. Rasputin has been away since yesterday evening; he returned this morning at dawn, absolutely drunk.
24 November. An unknown lady came to the house; she questioned the porter's wife, as to when Rasputin was in the habit of going to Tsarskoe-Selo, how frequently he went to church and which was his favourite place of worship. She declined the woman's offer to go up to the flat, saying that she could see Rasputin in the church at Tsarskoe and said that her daughters went to school with those of Rasputin. On perceiving the agents on the stairs, she asked who they were and earnestly begged the porter's wife not to tell them of her inquiries.
25 November. Rasputin came home at five o'clock in the morning. The actress Varvarova spent the night 25-26 in his rooms.
29 November. Rasputin was absent from home the whole night.
1 December. Rasputin has dispatched a telegram:
Moscow, Malaia Dmitrovka 3, to Miklashevskaia, "Why is Korzinkina tarrying with the business?" Rasputin drove with Dolgoroukaia [Princess S. S. Dolgoroukaia] to the Hotel Astoria, where he stayed the whole night.
3 December. Rasputin left his flat in the company of Filippov and returned home drunk. Shortly after Leikart, nee Mordvina, paid him a call for the first time to ask his intercession on behalf of her husband. When, however, Rasputin asked her to kiss him, she left. She was followed by Senator Mamontov's mistress, Voskoboinikova, to whom Rasputin suggested that she should visit him at one o'clock at night.
5 December. Rasputin came home drunk at three o'clock in the morning.
7 December. He has again been absent the whole night.
8 December. Rubanovitch came to call for Rasputin in his car, and they both drove to the Restaurant Donon (Moika 24). Thence they sent the chauffeur to the Hotel Rossia to fetch Djanoulova and Filippova. After dinner was over, Rasputin accompanied these ladies to the Hotel Rossia, where they were staying.
12 December. Rasputin arrived home at 9.50 in the morning in the society of Varvarova. According to the cab driver they had come from the Alexeievskaia street. He had most probably spent the night with Varvarova.
14 December. At approximately two o'clock at night Rasputin was seen coming out of No. 11 Furstadtskaia Street, the residence of Svechina [wife of a Colonel in the General Staff], accompanied by Maria Markovna Yacininskaia, a woman of twenty-one years of age and the wife of a burgess who lives at No. 104 on the Moika. They went by car in the direction of Novaia Derevnia to the Villa Rode Restaurant, where, however, they were not admitted owing to the lateness of the hour. Determined to get in, Rasputin started banging on the door and pulling at the bell, having previously tipped the policeman on duty in order that he might not interfere with his roistering. Eventually they drove to No. 49 Novaia Derevnia to Massalsky's Gypsy Chorus, where they stayed till ten o'clock the next morning. They emerged, both fairly drunk, and went to Yasininskaia's flat, whence Rasputin departed at twelve o'clock. Towards the evening he left for Tsarskoe-Selo.
15 December. Rasputin went by car to the Villa Rode Restaurant, accompanied by Lieutenant-Colonel Yezersky, Varvarova, and two unknown women. The watch left them there at two o'clock at night.
17 December. Princess Dolgoroukaia sent a car for Rasputin to take him to the Hotel Astoria, where they occupied a private room. They were shortly after joined by the former governor of Petrograd, General Kleigels, who stayed with them for about two hours.
19 December. Rasputin left the house at approximately one o'clock at night in the company of an unknown official and a lady. He returned the next morning at six o'clock, alone.
20 December. Rasputin and Pitirim's secretary, the former keeper of the records in the office of the Exarch of Georgia, Ivan Zinovievitch Ossipenko, drove to No. 26a Pesochnaia Street to see the burgess Andrey Ippolitovich Knirsha, a young man of twenty-eight years of age, who is separated from his wife. The Villa Rode Restaurant was commissioned to supply two baskets of wine and a gypsy chorus. The watch observed through the windows that Rasputin was dancing. Two unknown men brought him home at seven o'clock in the morning, dead drunk.
24 December. I. Z. Ossipenko visited Rasputin at seven o'clock in the evening; an hour or so later a hired motor drove up to the house, bringing Princess Tatiana Feodorovna Shakhovskaia, the wife of Lieutenant von Pistolkors, and an unknown officer. Only Princess Shakhovskaia went up to the flat and emerged some ten minutes later with Rasputin and Ossipenko. They all settled into the car and drove off, apparently to the Alexandro-Nevsky Monastery. At 8-15 in the evening another car drove up, bringing the Countess Olga Erikovna Kreuz, and the daughter of Acting Secretary of State, Golovin. The latter went up to the flat, but reappeared directly with the peasant woman Akulina Nikitishna Laptinskaia. They in their turn made for the Alexander Nevsky Monastery and entered the Cathedral, where Rasputin was already installed. The watch could detect neither the ladies nor the officer who had come with him. After the service was over, Rasputin and Ossipenko repaired to the apartments of the Metropolitan, Pitirim, but their departure was not observed. Two ladies (the watch could not ascertain who they were, as they saw them only sideways) went to the detached building to the right of the Cathedral, where they were lost to view.
Rasputin returned home on the 25th of Decembcr at nine o'clock in the morning.
1916
1 January. Rasputin had visitors, who stayed till four o'clock in the morning; there was much singing.
2 January. Rasputin came home drunk at one o'clock at night. At two he had a call from an officer, who was accompanied by a lady. Bazilevskaia joined them later; they all stayed till four o'clock.
4 January. Rasputin and Ossipenko returned to the flat at about midnight. Ossipenko, left directly. At one o'clock arrived Elena Porphirievna Tourovitch, a gentlewoman by birth, owner of a private school for girls. She stayed for an hour.
5 January. Rasputin, Ossipenko, Dounia and Miller went by cab to Miller's flat on the Ligovka, 45. They took with them a basketful of wine. Rasputin was seen to come home at 2-30 at night in an inebriated condition.
6 January. Rasputin spent a hilarious day at home later he went with Ossipenko and [Princess] Evgenia Shakhovskaia all three in one cab to Prince Andronikov, whence he returned at three o'clock at night in the company of Ossipenko. The latter left at once.
8 January. Rasputin called at No. 6 Gagarinskaia Street (Nordman). He came home at three o'clock at night followed by two ladies. Having stayed with him for two hours, the ladies left.
9 January. Ginsburg has sent Rasputin ten bottles of champagne; many unknown persons have taken the opportunity of Rasputin's namesday to present him with gifts. A sofa, two dozens of chairs, baskets full of delicacies and wine were among the things sent to him.
10 January. Klionovsky [a Secretary of State] and Tourovich have brought more wine to-day. Gil [a captain's wife] spent the night of 10-11 in Rasputin's flat. To-day, being Rasputin's namesday, he was visited by many people, all of whom brought presents for him. Those of the visitors who stayed spent the evening dancing, singing and playing the gramophone, the guitar and the balalaika; part of the time was given up to prayers and to the singing of hymns. The guests left at two o'clock.
11 January. Rasputin used the telephone in the Soloviev's flat to speak to Tsarskoe-Selo. His own is out of order.
13 January. Rasputin, Ivanitzkaia, an unknown officer and two ladies visited house No. 63 on the Ligovskaia, the residence of Alexandra Romanovna, widow of Secretary of State Mitinsky. They stayed from two till five in the afternoon, after which time Rasputin returned to his flat, bringing Ivanitzkaia and the unknown officer with him. Later they left, both a little the worse for drink, Ivanitzkaia being dressed in Rasputin's overcoat. Rasputin has dispatched a telegram to Tsarskoe-Selo, addressed to Vyroubova, in the following terms: "God Himself keeps him in heavenly joy. Let the truth shine upon my children unto eternity; the time has not yet come to see clearly." In the evening he was fetched in Boberman's car to the Hotel Europe, where a party was in full swing. The guests present were: Boberman, Kovarsky, the director of the International Bank, Count Tatishchev, Ensign Khvostov and two ladies. The watch did not observe Rasputin's departure.
14 January. Rasputin came home at seven o'clock in the morning, completely overcome with drink; Ossipenko, and an unknown man were with him. On his way upto his flat he broke a large pane of glass in the entrance door. The agents noticed a swelling on his nose, which is supposed to have been occasioned by a fall. In the afternoon he took Rubinstein and two ladies to Tsarskoe-Selo. On the homeward journey he entered into conversation with the agents: "One of you has told someone that I held a lady on my knees. That is unseemly talk. You are attached to me for purposes of protection, yet you report against me." Neustein, who lives on the same floor, remarked to the agents: "Your patron will soon be appointed to Tsarskoe-Selo to look after the holy lamps there."
16 January. Rasputin has given a letter to the prostitute Tregoubova. According to private information, supplied by one of the servants of the Pistolkors, Rasputin was seen performing strange rites and mumbling incomprehensible words over the two Pistolkors, whom he had made to kneel down before him.
17 January. An unknown lady paid Rasputin a call at midnight and stayed till three o'clock.
18 January. Rasputin returned home at half-past seven in the morning with two men and a lady; he was completely drunk and sang loudly in the streets. The unknown persons went away, after leaving Rasputin at his door... He spent the morning shouting and stamping about in his flat. Karavia and her daughter Maimeskul, who came to see Rasputin but who were not received by him, abused him on their way out calling him a "scurvy peasant," and telling the agents that on one occasion, when they were at the Villa Rode Restaurant they saw Rasputin running through the saloon, dressed only in his shirt, for which misdemeanour the restaurant was closed. They also said that a new monk had appeared at Tsarskoe-Selo, who would soon supplant Rasputin.
21 January. Rasputin and Haar went to 26 Pasochnaia Street to Knirsha. Late rhe was seen to leave the house alone and go to 36 Basseinaia Street, the residence of the Actress Orlova, Manouilov's mistress. Privately collected information stated that Manacevitch-Manouilov and the President of the Council of Ministers, B. Swriner,were also there.
22 January. Rasputin came home in the morning in the company of Ossipenko, an unknown man and two women. He was drunk.
23 January. A priest, whose name has not been ascertained, has presented Rasputin with some fish. The watch left Rasputin in the course of the evening at No. 6 Gagarinskaia Street, the residence of Secretary of State Feodor Borisovitch Nordmar [Senior Secretary in the Deartment of Awards].
24 January. Rasputin did not come home till five o'clock in the morning. At five in the afternoon he drove with Dobrovolskaia and Golovina to Our Saviour'schurch in Great Spasskaia Street, where the Metropolitan, Pitirim, was holding an all-night requiem service in memory of the deceased Archpresbyter and Abbot of this church, who had instituted public meetings on moral and spiritual questions.
26 January. Rasputin returned to his flat at four o'clock in the morning in the company of Ossipenko and an unknown man. At 11-49 at night Ossipenko arrived at the railway terminus in one of the cars belonging to the automobile squadron. Dobrovolsky joined him a little later. Having met the train by which Rasputin came from Tsarskoe-Selo, they drove to Dobrovolsky's flat. At five o'clock in the morning Rasputin returned home in a cab, accompanied by Dobrovolsky.
29 January. A petitioner by the name of Tatarinova told the agents that while Rasputin was interviewing her, he hugged and kissed some young lady who had also come to see him. This behaviour had so outraged her sense of decency that she refused to have anything more to do with him. Rasputin and Filippov went to the Restaurant Donon. Later in the evening they drove to the Alexandro-Nevsky Monastery, after having been joined by Ossipenko.
30 January. Rasputin returned home at 3-30 the following morning, slightly inebriated, in the company of a man, whose identity has not been established. The priest of the Moscow Liubianskaia church arrived in order to submit a petition on behalf of an unknown man, who had also come to see Rasputin. This man had every intention of paying Rasputin in advance (the bribe was apparently to be a large one), had the priest not dissuaded him from doing so, by assuring him that any advance payment might be inexpedient. The priest begged Rasputin to interview the Minister of Internal Affairs, Senator Belietzky, in order to insure his assistance, but Rasputin refused to comply with this request, considering a letter of recommendation to be sufficient. On his way out the priest was heard to laugh at Rasputin's illiterate writing.
In the evening Rasputin and Haar went to see Knirsha, No. 26, Pesochnaia Street, where a few ladies and gentlemen had assembled. The agents left him there at two o'clock. He was brought home at 4.30 by an unknown man.
1 February. The Moscow priest told agent Terekhov. in the course of a conversation, that the business on which he had come was hanging fire, as it had been give nover to Vyroubova, whose usual method of procedure was to act through the Court Commandant [General Voeikov], who was, unfortunately, away on active service. Rasputin complained to the agents that someone had been abusing him over the telephone, and that the exchange would not put him in touch with the offenders.
2 February. After being out all night, Rasputin came home at 9-30 in the morning. Dobrovolskaia was at his flat, playing the piano and singing. At one o'clock at night he left again in the direction of the Officerskaia Street, returning after an absence of two hours.
3 February. Rasputin came back from Tsarskoe-Selo, at eleven o'clock in the evening. At twelve he departed for an unknown destination; two hours later he was seen to return by car with two men, who, however did not go up to his flat.
5 February. Rasputin has been absent since yesterday evening. The cab-driver informed the agents that he had brought Rasputin home from the corner of the Officerskaia and Alexeievskaia Streets. Karavia, who had paid Rasputin a visit, said to the agents on leaving: "Although Rasputin is so depressed at times, he never the less does big business. For instance, Rubinstein has lately arranged an important deal to the amount of 300,000 roubles, and Rasputin has received from him a commission of 50,000 roubles." She added that Rasputin had promised her to approach the Minister Shakhovskoy in connection with her petition, since he was fonder of him than Vyroubova. At one o'clock at night Rasputin was observed leaving Ezersky's house in the company of Ossipenko and a few unknown men. He was followed to No. 15 Rogdestvenskaia Street, the residence of the Assistant Commissioner of Police, Moisey Shmouilovitch-Dvinov, who was celebrating his birthday. After staying there for twenty-five minutes, he left for an unknown destination, returning home at 3.30 in the morning.
7 February. Boberman came with a view to inquiring about Rasputin's health. On his way out he told the watch that Rasputin was well. Neustein, who lives inthe same house, had a conversation with the agents, in the course of which hesaid to them: "Is it true that some officer has given your charge a thrashing?" Vyroubova, who had arrived in a court automobile, dispatched Simanovitch on some errand. Knirsha stayed with Rasputin till past midnight. On coming out of the flat, he met two men, whose identity has not been established, and with them returned to Rasputin.
8 February. Rasputin, who was accompanied by two unknown officials, went by taxi to the Nicolaievsky Cavalry College and to the Polish Roman Catholic church on the Torgovaia Street. Knirsha seems to have presented him with several bottles of wine. At 8.15 in the evening Rasputin was visited by five women, who, according to the cab-driver, had come from the Officerskaia Street. The watch heard sinking, dancing and music. The guests left at three o'clock. No petitioners were received during the day.
(Signed). Chief of the Petrograd Okhrana, Major-General Globachev.
Director of External Surveillance, Kornilov.
Detailed unrevised reports of the external watch over Rasputin from the 8-10 February, 1916. 8 February, 1916. Reports.
"Tiomny" [a nickname for Rasputin, invented by the police agents], Gorokhovaia Street, No. 64
Knirsha left Tiomny at one o'clock at night. At that time two unknown men arrived and went up to the flat. Knirsha returned with them. They all departed at two o'clock. Solovieva called at ten o'clock in the morning; she was followed by Maria Golovina. They both left directly. At 11.50 Tatiana Shakhovskaia arrived, and stayed for fifty minutes. Simanovitch paid a call at ten o'clock, which lasted for ten minutes. Sandetzkaia, who came very shortly afterwards, also stayed for ten minutes. The chorister of the Athos Church Hall, Derevensky, who came shortly after noon, said that the scribe of the Alexander Nevsky Monastery had told him that last September when he was reading the newspaper Kopeika he saw an article on Varnava and Grisha (Rasputin). He further reported that the gatekeeper, who was listening to him, had asked: "When will there be a revolution?" To Derevensky's question what good a revolution would do, he is supposed to have answered: "It would dethrone the Romanovs and put an end to those two pernicious fellows Varnava and Grisha." The name of the door-keeper is not known. The scribe has since been ordained.
Laptiskaia left at 12.20. An official, wearing a military uniform, arrived ten minutes later; he presently emerged accompanied by Tiomny. Two volunteers were waiting for them in the courtyard to whom Tiomny said that he would see them later. Then he left with the official for an unknown destination.
According to the words of the chauffeur, they went to the Nicolaievsky Cavalry College and the Polish church on the Torgovaia. At 5.50 in the afternoon Tiomny returned with the official, who left him ten minutes later. Senator Mamontov came at 1-35 p.m.; he stayed for half an hour. Bazilevskaia and Haar paid Rasputina visit at 1.20 Simanovitch and a man of military rank came by car, registered No. 5064; this was their second visit. A lady, wife of an officer in the Izmailovsky regiment, came at 2.15; she lives in a government house on the lzmailovsky Prospect. At 3-40 Simanovitch appeared for the third time, and left after a stay of thirty minutes. Knirsha brought several bottles of wine. Tourovitch paid a long call. At five o'clock Tiomny received a visit from Chervinskaia and Solovieva; the former left in half-an-hour's time. Simanovitch came for the fourth time at 6.20 and stayed for an hour. He was followed by Reshetnikov, who remained with Tiomny for thirty-five minutes. Later an unknown lady called. Tourovitch paid Tiomny a second visit. Dobrovolskaia and Berman [widow of a merchant] came at nine and ten o'clock respectively. At ten Tourovitch brought her husband, and at eleven o'clock Knirsh aappeared for the second time.
Note. Five women, whose identity has not been established, arrived at 8.15. The cab-driver reported them to have come from the Officerskaia Street. At ten the guests were heard to sing, dance and play the piano. No petitioners were admitted to Tiomny although about twenty five had called.
(Signed) TEREKHOV, SVISTOUNOV.
9 February, 1916. Reports.
Tiomny, Gorokhovaia Street, 64
The guests, who had visited Tiomny last night, left at two o'clock. The entertainment was noisy. Vyroubova paid a call at 9-45 this morning. She was followed by Dobrovolskaia, who stayed for three hours. At 10.50 arrived Liubov and Maria Golovina; Haar also paid a long visit. Mamontov and Ossipenko came by government car No. 5064; they were accompanied by an unknown official, who stayed for half-an-hour. At midday Dobrovolsky made his appearance and stayed for an hour and a half. Varnava and Avgustin drove up in car No. 127. At 2.40 Tiomny came out of his flat on his way to the baths, where he remained for fifty minutes. While walking along, he said: "It is a pity that there has been so much talk; now there will be an inquiry." He further remarked: "They are thinking of assassinating me. If they find out that the letter was written by Iliodor [an intriguing monk] they certainly will. "Von Bock paid him a call at 4.45 in the afternoon; Maria Golovina reappeared atfive o'clock; she was followed by Moskvina, who stayed for an hour and ten minutes. Tourovitch came at 5-45 and left with Golovina at 6,45. Klionovsky paid a short visit. Simanovitch paid a call later in the evening, accompanied by an engineer, a Jew. "Tiomny" received no petitioners.
(Signed). TEREKHOV, SVISTOUNOV, VASSILY POPOV, GRIGORY IVANOV.
10 February, 1916. Reports.
Tiomny, Gorokhovaia Street, 64
Yesterday at midnight Tiomny received a visit from a man, who, judging by his appearance, was Manouilov; he did not stay long. Solovieva also paid him a short visit during the night. The wife of General Sokolov came at 10-30 in the morning. Her stay was brief. Pozdniakova brought an unknown lady, but was not received. Filippov came at eleven o'clock, accompanied by a lady, who remained in the vestibule. In ten minutes' time he reappeared with a card for the lady, who then went up to Tiomny. She came down with a letter of introduction to the Minister Belietzky. Maria Golovina and Nikitina [a lady-in-waiting] came in succession - neither stayed long. At 12.40 Haar came, who was accompanied by a lady, called Sophia Mikhailovna; they remained upstairs for an hour and a half. The wife of General Soloviev [Sokolov ?] paid another call together with an unknown lady. At two o'clock a taxi was ordered -its number was observed to be 224 - which Tiomny and Golovina left for an unknown destination; they returned at 3.45 in the same car. Laptinskaia left at three o'clock after an hour's stay. Dobrovolskaia went up to the flatat 3.20. Kisselev, who came at 4.40, was not received. Dobrovolsky appeared sometime later and remained for an hour. Towards the evening Maria Golovina, Laptinskaia and Dounia went out. Berman paid a call, which lasted half an hour. At eight o'clock Tiomny and Dobrovolsky left by cab; according to the coachman they had been out for a drive, without stopping anywhere. Maria Golovina, Laptinskaia and Dounia returned at 8.50 in the evening. Maria Golovina and Dobrovolskaia left at approximately ten o'clock. Fifteen visitors in all had called during the day. Neustein said to-day "All my friends are inquiring whether Tiomny is well there is a rumour that he has had a thrashing from a man called Orlov Denissov on account of some woman."
(Signed). TEREKHOV, SVISTOUNOV, VASSILY Popov and GRIGORY IVANOV.
